Our federal energy policy is really a large trough arranged by the hogs for their convenience.
Amory Lovins, Colorado energy expert, Mother Jones, 2008
We need an energy bill that encourages consumption.
President George W. Bush, 2002
Energy, including electrical energy, is essential for civilization as
we know it. Today, America gets some 54% of its electricity from coal
power plants and another 22% from natural gas power plants. With the
possible exceptions of the production and distribution of food and
water, no human activity has a greater impact upon the environment, the
economy, and the way we live than how we produce and distribute
energy.
Electrical blackouts rolled through California in
2001 and swept from Ohio to Canada and New York City in 2003. These
blackouts are mainly attributable to combination of deregulation
policies sponsored, for the most part, by Republican politicians for
the benefit of the energy industry. The blackouts, in turn, were used
by the Bush administration as justification for an energy bill which
mandates that a consortium of federal agencies, in partnership with
“stake holders” (like energy companies), designate a national network
of energy corridors to solve this (created?) “problem.” The resulting Energy Policy Act of 2005
was passed when a re-elected President Bush claimed a “mandate” and
Republicans controlled Congress. In addition to promoting the
interests of the coal industry and investor-owned utilities over those
of locally-generated energy and publicly-owned-utilities, this bill
threatens private property rights, states’ rights, and millions of
acres of already-protected federal and state land. Pepper Trail
characterizes the new energy bill as essentially a “grab bag of tax
breaks and incentives to various sectors of the energy industry that
failed to raise vehicle mileage standards or take any other meaningful
steps to reduce energy demand.”
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 mandates two new types of energy corridors: Section 368 instructs
the Secretaries of Energy, Interior, Agriculture, and Defense to work
with stakeholders (including energy companies) to designate
two-thirds-mile-wide energy corridors for oil, gas, and hydrogen
pipelines, electricity transmission lines, and other energy
infrastructure on public lands. Each corridor could hold as many as
nine electric transmission lines and 35 petroleum and 29 natural gas
pipelines. The draft environmental impact statement (DEIS) for the West-Wide Energy Corridor indicates that this “corridor” would extend 6000 miles across eleven Western states and cover 3 million acres of federal land.
Section 1221 of the energy bill requires the Department of Energy (DOE) to identify areas of electricity congestion and permits DOE to designate National Interest Electricity Transmission Corridors (NEITCs) in order to resolve problems of electricity congestion. The bill also gives the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC)
authority to override state siting-authorities that might turn down or
fail to approve an energy company’s proposed electricity transmission
line within a year. Companies are permitted to use the government’s
eminent domain authority to condemn private land to ensure new
transmission lines are built or existing lines are expanded. In
practice, DOE’s mandate to designate NIET corridors has been interpreted by DOE as
giving them the power to designate whole regions of the country- even
entire states- as energy “corridors,” though these bear little or no
resemblance to “corridors.”
The West-Wide Energy Corridor
Arising out of the political context of 2005, the Energy Policy Act did not entertain the possibility that energy use could actually be reduced through conservation, and it gave little consideration to local power generation by wind farms or solar arrays, for example, that would not require massive, long-distance energy corridors. In other words, the West-Wide Energy Corridor was never a prudent attempt to plan for the future: it simply takes a failed energy distribution model and makes it bigger.
So far, what appears to be a land grab has received little media attention.
Pepper Trail, “An Energy Octopus Wants to Eat the West,” 2000
The West-Wide Energy Corridor
designates 6000 miles of 2/3 mile-wide corridors that would cover about
3 million acres of federal land in 11 states, including Colorado,
Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming, Montana, Nevada, California,
Oregon, Idaho, and Washington (Figure 1). 
Note that a 2/3-mile-wide corridor would be the equivalent of nearly 12
football fields placed end to end! In November, 2007, a 1,000+ page
“West-Wide” draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS) was released by
the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), the Bureau of Land Management (BLM), and thirteen cooperating agencies, including the U.S. Forest Service (USFS), U.S. Department of Defense (DOD), U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) and the State of Wyoming. The document does not specify how DOE
intends to extend the transmission corridors across state and private
land. And it does not include project-specific activities at this
time.
The West-Wide DEIS, dated October, 2007, was not published in the Federal Register until mid-November, at which point DOE initiated
a 90-day public comment period. Because there was very little press
coverage, many individuals, groups, counties, Indian tribes and even
states were effectively shut out of the decision-making process. In “Energy Corridor Will Forever Alter Landscape of the West,”
Grace Herndon reports that officials in San Miguel County, Colorado
were not alerted to this plan until late 2007. She observes:
Art Goodtimes, San
Miguel County Commissioner, stated: “There has not been meaningful
consultation with the states or the tribes about this process, and I’m
here to tell you that there has not been meaningful consultation with
counties either.” Of 159 counties affected by this process, only three
had been granted cooperative status. “We need a comprehensive energy
plan in this country but we need more time to do this right.”
Representative Raul Grijalva (D-Arizona), chairman of the subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands, stated: “(The Corridors) seem to act like huge extension cords to existing coal power plants with the opportunity through these corridors to make new coal power plants. A Wilderness Society spokesperson agreed, noting: “The proposed energy corridors show the administration’s multi-billion dollar grid to be little more than a network connecting existing and proposed coal-fired power plants that bypass many areas rich in renewable energy potential” (Figure 2).
Figure 2. Relationship between West-Wide Energy Corridor and existing coal-fired power plants (from Western Resource Advocates)
Similarly, Nada Culver of The Wilderness Society explained:
“The corridor locations were created from an original “wish list”
proposed by industry and bisect many important and sensitive places,
including places that are designated conservation areas and would be
expected to be protected from such intrusions.” The Wilderness Society’s
analysis indicates that the proposed corridors threaten six national
wildlife refuges, three national parks, seven national monuments and
more than 60 current and proposed wilderness areas. Among the impacted
special areas are the Havasu National Wildlife Refuge on the
Arizona/California border, Joshua Tree National Park, California, Grand
Staircase National Monument in Utah, New Mexico’s Sevilleta National
Wildlife Refuge and Arches National Park, Utah.
In “An Energy Octopus Wants to Eat the West,” Pepper Trail notes that the DEIS maps show that the West-Wide Energy Corridor would create:
These new energy corridors – averaging six-tenths of a mile wide – will fracture a landscape that is already a maze of hairline cracks – the lines made by highways, railroads and the current, comparatively delicate energy rights-of-ways. These existing corridors have been enough to severely fragment habitat in the West, interfering with the movements of pronghorn, elk and bison, denying undisturbed wild areas to wolves and grizzly bears, and weakening the ecological health of deserts, grasslands and forest.
The West-Wide Energy Corridor, if enacted, would be the death sentence for many wildlife populations… One tentacle would split the Big Horn Basin of Wyoming; another would run the length of California’s Owens Valley between Sequoia and Death Valley National Parks; another would cut from Mesa Verde National Park in Colorado to Bandolier National Monument near Sante Fe. You have to wonder why the government didn’t simply use the existing system of energy corridors and rights-of-way. (http://www.redding.com/news/2008/jan/28/energy-octopus-wants-eat-west/)
Local citizens’ and environmental groups across the West are now fiercely opposing the West-Wide Energy Corridor. Judith Lewis ("Walking on a Wire” http://www.hcn.org/servlets/hcn.Article?article_id=17749) states:
The Colorado portion of the DEIS maps show several main corridors. One runs east-west along Highway 50 from Grand Junction through Salida to just east of Pueblo, where it mysteriously stops. The major north-south corridor traverses western Colorado from Mesa Verde National Park in the south to near the northwestern corner of the state. Smaller corridor segments stretch across federal land from west of Denver to about Hot Sulfur Springs and from about Rifle north into southern Wyoming. Higher resolution maps reveal large gaps in the designated corridors where they cross state and private land (http://corridoreis.anl.gov/documents/dpeis/maps/Draft_Westwide_Corridors_Nov2007_Poster.pdf). DOE, however, is not providing information regarding the likely locations of these connections to the public. Pepper Trail notes:
Critics note that a fundamental problem with the West-Wide Energy Corridor
DEIS is problematic that it includes only one alternative- and this
plan essentially calls for linking existing polluting coal power plants
throughout the West. In this regard, DOE is in non-compliance with the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which requires that federal agencies “rigorously explore” and “evaluate all reasonable alternatives.” Western Resource Advocates asserts that DOE has
not, but should, also consider these alternatives: 1) Reduce demand in
population centers by increasing energy efficiency and the use of local
power sources, 2) Focus the corridors on linking clean and renewable
sources to the power grid, and 3) Maximize the use of existing power
lines and substations through technology upgrades before designating
new corridors. Tom Darin, energy transmission specialist for Western Resources Advocates,
concludes: “Newly designated corridors must be ones that are needed,
otherwise we will be unnecessarily carving up Western lands.”
Nada Culver of the Wilderness Society agrees, noting:
Incredibly, the draft EIS concludes that the corridors would not have environmental impacts. Nada Culver, states:
Also, the corridor designations would not preclude companies from
proposing corridors and projects outside the corridors. Greg Trainor,
utility and street systems director for the City of Grand Junction,
Colorado, stated:
The Mid-Atlantic Area National Corridor
On October 5, 2007, DOE published its orders designating two National Interest Electrical Transmission Corridors (NIETCs).
These corridors are located in two of America’s most populous regions,
purportedly in response to data and analyses that show consistent
“congestion” in these regions. The Mid-Atlantic Area National Corridor encompasses
116,000 square miles (over 74 million acres) that include the
metropolitan areas of Washington, D.C., Baltimore, Philadelphia, and
New York City, as well as 47 counties in New York, 50 counties in
Pennsylvania, all of New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and the District
of Columbia, and large portions of Ohio, Virginia and West Virginia (Figure 3). Some 49 million Americans live within the affected area.
DOE failed to conduct an environmental impact statement of the proposed activity, as required by the National Environmental Policy Act. Nor did DOE consult with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service
to identify and mitigate effects to the 95 threatened or endangered
species that would be affected by the mammoth project, as mandated by
the Endangered Species Act.
Wes Gillingham, program director of Catskill Mountainkeeper, stated:
Andy Loza, executive director of Pennsylvania Land Trust Association, states:
The Mid-Atlantic Area National Corridor also
includes 35 national park units, including Gettysburg National Military
Park (PA), the Upper Delaware Scenic and Recreational River (NY and
PA), Shenandoah National Park (VA), Cedar Creek and Belle Grove
National Historical District (VA), and the Appalachian National Scenic
Trail (ME to GA). In addition, the “corridor” would take in Antietam
National Battleflied (MD), Monocacy National Battlefield (MD), C&O
Canal National Historical Park (MD, WV, and DC), Schuylkill River
National Heritage Area (PA), Delaware and Lehigh National Historic
Corridor PA) and the proposed Journey Through Hallowed Ground National
Heritage Area (PA, MD, VA, and WV).
Thus, the National Parks Conservation Association recommends that DOE revise their plan so that: (http://www.npca.org/media_center/fact_sheets/energy_corridors.html)
1)
new energy corridors and power lines avoid national parks and their
respective scenic view-sheds and do not support the expanded use of
polluting energy sources, such as coal;
2) The designation process comply with all applicable federal laws including the National Environmental Policy Act, the National Historical Preservation Act, and the Endangered Species Act;
3)
Any approved energy corridors and power lines do not violate any
relevant Park Service resource studies, view-shed analysis, and the
requirements of Section 106 of the National Historical Preservation Act,
4)
Designated energy corridors contain strong mitigation measures, to
address adverse affects on view-sheds, water quality, wildlife habitat
and corridors, and native plants.
The Mid-Atlantic Concerned Citizens Energy Coalition includes on its website (www.maccec.org) many affected parties’ petitions requesting that DOE reconsider their Designation Order for the Mid-Atlantic Area National Interest Electric Transmission Corridor.
These include petitions by Maryland’s Governor Martin O’Malley,
Delaware’s Lt. Governor John C. Carney, Jr., the New Jersey Board of
Public Utilities, New York Attorney General, Andrew M. Cuomo, the New
York State Public Service Commission, The New York State of Department
of Environmental Conservation (DEC), Communities Against Regional Interconnect (CARI),
Pennsylvania Governor Edward G. Rendell, Pennsylvania Majority Leader
Bill DeWeese, Pennsylvania Senator J. Barry Stout, and Virginia
Governor Timothy M. Kaine..
These letters and petitions are worth reading. The New York State Public Service Commission (NYSPSC) notes that in making its Designation Order, DOE relied on erroneous data in the ‘Congestion Report’ produced by its consultants, CRA International, Inc. Despite the fact that numerous reviewers, including NYSPSC, have called this report into question, DOE has not answered these concerns or verified the factual basis of the Report on which it has based its Designation Orders.
Similarly, the New Jersey Board of Public Utilities (NJBPU) questioned DOE’s
August 8, 2006 congestion study that “identified an area stretching
from Albany, New York to the Washington, DC metropolitan area,
including all of New Jersey, as a “critical congestion area.” NJBPU had asked DOE to refrain from designating the Mid-Atlantic Area National Corridor, stating:
…. (Thus), DOE erroneously designated the Mid-Atlantic Area National Corridor without complying with the requirement of Section 216(A)(2) to consider alternatives proposed by interested parties and affected States to address the congestion problems in the Mid-Atlantic Critical Congestion Area.”
Noting that “the designation of an NIETC
has serious and far reaching implications for the sovereign interests
of the States,” Virginia’s Governor Timothy M. Kaine and Attorney
General Robert F. McDonnell stated:
In his June 8 letter to DOE Secretary Bodman, Pennsylvania Governor Edward G. Rendell noted that the proposed Mid-Atlantic Corridor is so expansive that it is meaningless. He also questioned if FERC would adequately consider conservation, alternative technologies and different routes. Rendell stated:
Similarly, Daniel Griffiths, head of Pennsylvania’s Bureau of Energy Innovations and Technology Deployment,
questioned whether a corridor that includes 50 of Pennsylvania’s 67
counties is realistically related to actual transmission options. He
noted that the proposed routes bypass parts of Pennsylvania where
clean, new generation is coming online, and instead pulls power from
old, dirty plants to the east and south of the state.
Maryland’s Governor Martin O’Malley also expressed concern about the
expansive geographic scope of the draft designation, noting that 1) the
NIETC encompasses an enormous geographic area, encompassing
nearly all the State of Maryland and thus, is far from a “corridor,” as
that term is commonly understood, 2) the designation appears to go
beyond the intent of the 2005 Energy Policy Act, 3) a much more refined corridor designation may be appropriate, 4) DOE failed to make adequate efforts to work with the State of Maryland and its citizens in studying and formulating solutions to electric transmission congestion, and 5) DOE failed to property consider non-transmission solutions to congestion and constraint issues.
In his appeal for DOE to conduct a rehearing, John C. Carney, Lt. Governor of Delaware wrote:
According to the State of New York, the Federal Power Act (FPA), as amended by the Energy Policy Act of 2005:
This petition also points out that the federal government is in violation of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), the Endangered Species Act (ESA), and the Hudson River Valley National Heritage Act of 1996, all of which mandate consultation with other federal and state agencies:
DOE's response to these requests for a rehearing or reconsideration of their Designation Order was to issue an Order Denying Rehearing on March 11, 2008 (http://nietc.anl.gov/documents/docs/Order_Denying_NIETC_Rehearing.pdf
). Thus, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that this plan was hatched
in secret by a cabal of industry/government insiders in defiance of
numerous federal and state laws for the benefit of energy companies.
Because the plan violates federal law, the U.S. Constitution, States'
rights, and private property rights, it clearly comprises a crime
against the American people.
Currently, eleven national and regional environmental organizations, led by the National Wildlife Federation, are filing suit against DOE over its final designation of the Mid-Atlantic National Interest Electric Transmission Corridorhttp://www.depweb.state.pa.us/news/cwp/view.asp?Q=533025&A=3&ppp=12&n=1). The groups are challenging the designation on the grounds that DOE violated the National Environmental Policy Act and Endangered Species Act
by failing to study the potential harmful impacts of the corridor on
air quality, wildlife habitat and other natural resources.
The suit also claims that DOE violated the requirements of the Energy Policy Act of 2005
by: 1) defining boundaries which extend far beyond the areas where
transmission congestion or capacity constraints are alleged to occur,
2) the “Congestion Study” upon which corridor designation is purportedly based was procedurally flawed because DOE failed to consult with affected states before finalizing it, and 3) in the Designation Order, DOE failed to consider non-transmission or other alternatives. Finally, the suit charges that DOE
designated the corridor without taking into account the potential
effects on historic properties or engaging in the consultations
mandated by Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act.
Randy Sargeant Neppi, National Wildlife Federation lawyer, explained:
The Southwest Energy Corridor
It’s not a corridor. It’s an entire area of the country.
Diane Conklin, southern California resident
It’s
hard to see which Western constituency could possibly support this.
But the answer of course, is that the constituency that supports this
doesn’t live in the West. It lives on Wall Street and in C.C. and it
is attempting, essentially… to sell off as much of our public land as
possible for energy development before public outcry rises to the
degree that such policy choices will not be tolerated.
Amy Atwood, Center for Biodiversity Management
On October 5, 2007, DOE also designated the Southwestern Energy Corridor as another NIETC
that would encompass the Los Angeles, San Diego, Las Vegas and Phoenix
metropolitan areas as well as large portions of southern California,
Nevada, Arizona. Specifically, this “corridor” would encompass 70,000
square miles (44.8 million acres) that includes, seven counties in
southern California, three counties in southwestern Arizona (Figure 4).
The 45-million-acre ‘corridor,” drawn to include urban areas where
electricity is needed as well as outlying areas where power is
produced, stretches from the Mexican border to well north of Los
Angeles and east to Phoenix. It includes 3 million acres of national
parks, monuments and national wildlife refuges including Joshua Tree
National Park, the Kofa National Wildlife Refuge, Sonoran Desert
National Monument, and Carrizo Plain National Monument. This vast
“corridor” also includes 21 million acres of the California Desert
Conservation Area, 750,000 acres of BLM national monuments, and a part
of the Las Californias, an internationally recognized biodiversity
hotspot that is home to hundreds of protected or rare species.
Altogether, the designated “corridor” includes 7.5 million acres of
federally designated wilderness, wilderness study areas and
citizen-proposed wilderness. And it includes at least 95 species that
are listed as endangered or threatened with extinction under the Endangered Species Act.
Since this is also a National Interest Electrical Transmission Corridor,
when utilities propose transmission lines and state regulatory agencies
either reject them or put off action for long periods, they can ask the
federal government to step in and review those projects. Thus, for
example, San Diego Gas and Electric could become the first utility in the nation to ask the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission to intervene in what has traditionally been a state process for evaluating projects. And again, if FERC were to approve the utility’s application, it could impart eminent domain authority to SDG&E, a private corporation, to condemn private lands needed for the project.
Brent Schoadt of the California Wilderness Coalition stated: “This
proposal threatens to undermine years of conservation efforts to
protect the California Desert Conservation Area and other wild places
throughout the state.”
As in the Mid-Atlantic Corridor, DOE failed to do an environmental analysis or environmental impact statement, as required by the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). On January 11, 2008, the Center for Biodiversity Management (CBM) filed suit in federal court in California to challenge DOE’s designation of the Southwestern Electric Transmission Corridor. The lawsuit, filed by the Western Environmental Law Center, charges that DOE failed to analyze environmental impacts of the proposed corridor as required by NEPA. According to the Western Environmental Law Center, the DOE designation
of the Southwest electrical transmission line corridor that allows for
“fast track” approval within the corridor is an attempt to nullify
state and federal environmental laws and enable energy companies to
condemn private land for new high-voltage transmission lines.
Amy Atwood, of the Center for Biodiversity Management,
stated: “The Energy Department cannot turn southern California and
western Arizona into an energy farm for Los Angeles and San Diego
without taking at hard look at the environmental impacts of doing
so.”
DOE has determined that
these designations will remain in effect until October, 2019 unless the
designations are rescinded or renewed.
Comparison with the Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC)
Just what are these new proposed corridors and who would benefit from
them? It is a fair comparison to point out that the proposed West-Wide energy corridors are almost three times wider than the proposed 1200’-wide Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC), which is part of the “NAFTA Superhighway” that would extend from southern Mexico to Canada. NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement),
of course, is a series of trade agreements and treaties between the
U.S., Canada, and Mexico that passed the U.S. Congress via “fast-track”
in 1994. The North America Super Corridor Coalition, Inc. (NASCO)NAFTA superhighway
extends from Lazaro Cardenas, Mexico to Kansas City, and into Canada,
where it branches out to Vancouver on the west coast and Montreal in
the east (Figure 5). website shows the
In The Late Great U.S.A.: The Coming Merger with Mexico and Canada, Jerome R. Corsi notes that the 4000-page Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for the TTC reveals
that the 1200’-wide complex involves 10 lanes of highway, with five
lanes in each direction, of which 3 lanes are for passenger vehicles
and 2 lanes are for trucks. The EIS also includes 6 rail lines running
parallel to the highways, with separate rail lines in each direction
for high-speed rail, commuter rail, and freight rail. The design also
calls for a 200’-wide utility corridor that includes pipelines for oil,
natural gas, and water, cables for telecommunications and data, and
electricity towers (Figure 6).


Certainly, if all these transportation and energy facilities can be
contained within 1200,’ one must question the need for 3500’-wide
corridors. Like the West-Wide corridors, the TTC is
designed to be an alternate to the existing interstate system. Indeed,
it is to be a separate toll-road that abandons the existing interstate
structure without attempting to supplement it. Under Republican
Governor Rick Perry, TxDOT (Texas Department of Transportation) has contracted the construction and maintainence of the TTC to a Spanish multinational corporation, Cintra Concessiones de Infraestructures de Transport – or “Cintra”) which is forming a partnership with the San Antonio-based, Zachary Construction Corporation. According to Corsi, the TTC the beginning of a continental network designed to move inter-modal goods that derive from global trade.
Whereas the West-Wide energy corridor
would carve up 11 Western states with some 6000 miles of 3500’-wide
corridors, the TTC calls for building 4000 miles of
highway/railway/utility superhighways in Texas over next 50 years at a
cost of $184 billion. The 4000 miles of TTC criss-cross Texas and circle every major city, including San Antonio, Austin, Houson, and Dallas-Fort Worth (Figure 7).
Like the West-Wide energy corridor, the TTC
will cut communities in half; people will have to drive tens of miles
to get to the nearest overpass to see a neighbor or get to the other
side of their ranches. And like the West-Wide energy corridor, the TTC will
involve wholesale confiscation of Americans’ private property.
According to Corsi, it will involve about one million eminent domain
notices and will destroy some 584,000 acres of what is now farm and
ranchland. These farms and ranches have produced food for America for
generations. In Supreme Court case Kelo v. City of New London
(545 U.S. 469 (2005), the Supreme Court decided that eminent domain
could be used to seize private property from U.S. citizens even though
the purpose of the land seizure was to benefit a private corporation.
The decision says nothing that specifies that the corporation need be a
U.S. corporation. In addition, a Texas state law (HB3588) allows a
“quick-take seizure” of private property “if TxDOT (Texas Department of Transportation) and the property owner cannot reach an agreement” on just compensation for the land involved. Under current Texas state law, TxDOT can seize a property on the 91st day after the landowner is served with an official notice of quick take.
Similarly, according to the Energy Policy Act of 2005, after DOE designates a NIETC,
when utilities propose transmission lines and state regulatory agencies
either reject them or put off action for over a year, the utilities can
ask the federal government to step in and review those projects. Thus,
for example, San Diego Gas and Electric, a private corporation, could ask the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) for eminent domain authority to condemn and seize the private lands needed for the project.
The size and scale of the Mid-Atlantic and Southwest NIET corridors, far surpass those of the West-Wide Energy Corridor or the TTC. Under their Designation Orders, DOE
now claims federal dominion over 186,000 square miles (nearly 120
million acres) of land in the two most populous regions of the nation.
These so-called “corridors” encompass large portions - or all- of 11
different states and all of the nation’s capitol. About one sixth of
the American population lives within these so-called “corridors.” And
a number of state governors are justifiably questioning the real
purpose of these so-called “corridors.”
Finally, and perhaps most revealingly, the new energy corridors and the TTC
were all railroaded into law in an extremely anti-democratic manner,
through stealth and secrecy, and in violation of many existing state,
local, and federal laws. Each of these projects seem to have involved
essentially Soviet-style central planning with no meaningful democratic
participation from ordinary citizens or even from Congress. They are
proceeding against the will of the American people. All of these
projects are direct attacks on private property, state’s rights, and
the U.S. Constitution. As such, these projects seem to be intended to
hand over vast portions of America to a relative handful of
multinational corporations.
Dr. Jerome Corsi makes a solid case in his book, The Late Great U.S.A., that the TTC is part of the larger corporate plan to merge the U.S. with Canada and Mexico in a North American Union.
Such a merger would destroy the U.S. Constitution and the civil
liberties that Americans have enjoyed for over two centuries under the
Bill of Rights. If we value our country, our democracy, and our U.S.
Constitution, we would be well advised to get informed and organized,
and defeat these “corridor” projects as presently defined. We can find
solutions to these and other perceived problems that do not jeopardize
the U.S. Constitution or the sovereignty of the American people,
state’s rights, and the American republic.
Authors postscript: I began graduate work in Geography at the University of Wyoming in 1975. In an independent project for a course entitled “Geographic Location Analysis,” I used sophisticated computer programs to determine the optimal location of coal-fired power plants. Because the costs of energy losses through long-distance transmission lines are greater than the costs of transporting coal by train, it turns out that the most cost-effective place to site coal-fired plants is where the power is actually needed, i.e., in Los Angeles, Phoenix, Las Vegas, etc. But of course, then as now, state pollution laws prohibited this and so dirty coal power plants were sited, instead, in some of the most pristine areas in the American West where the air quality was still excellent. Unfortunately, it seems this fundamental lesson has still not been learned by the energy industry, policy makers and the American people.







